Yes and No. That is the short answer.Read more about Is digital government a threat to human security?
Why Gender matters when responding to the effects of climate change in Canada
By: Romina Raeisi
People don’t often think of climate change and gender inequality together. Particularly in developed states such as Canada, the idea that climate change affects men and women differently may, at first, appear absurd. This is because, in Canada, we tend to compartmentalize climate change as an environmental issue rather than a socio-economic one. At the same time, when dealing with gender inequality, we focus our attention on sexual harassment and gender parity while relegating the disproportionate poverty and subsistence needs of women as largely third world issues. We ignore the connections between gender, socio-economics, and climate change.
A deeper analysis shows, however, that climate change has unpredictable effects on the weather and the environment which harm economic and social structures, worsening existing gender inequalities. Furthermore, women’s needs are often underrepresented in decision-making processes, which means that the policies adopted to mitigate and adapt to climate-related problems often do not address the particular needs of women. The connections between the two seemingly unrelated issues are important because we cannot hope to respond effectively to climate change if we ignore the needs of half the population. In the same vein, we cannot overcome gender inequality if our environment and policies create an inherent disadvantage for women.
Canada’s commitment to Gender Equality and Climate Change
Since 2015, Canada’s Liberal government has made it a point to focus on both gender equality and climate change issues. Prime Minister Justin Trudeau openly declares that he is a feminist and has dedicated significant funding to the cause of gender equality. Canada is also a member of multiple international agreements related to the promotion of women’s rights and gender equality. These include the 1995 Beijing Platform of Action which encourages decision-makers to use gender mainstreaming strategies and impact analysis to identify gender considerations across a wide range of issues. In complying with the Beijing Platform, Canada has developed a Gender-Based Analysis Plus (GBA+) strategy for assessing how policies, programs, and initiatives affect men, women, and intersectional and gender-diverse people differently. In 2017, Status of Women Canada developed a GBA+ course for departments and employees. While GBA+ is not mandatory, it is significant to note that Status of Women Canada chose to include emergency preparedness, including from natural disasters and environmental damage, as well as the prosperity of the forestry sector as two of the case studies showing the importance of GBA+.
At the same time, the government has redoubled its efforts to support the work under the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) and was a major promoter of the Paris Climate Agreement in 2015. Among other things, the Paris Agreement includes ground-breaking obligations for countries to create gender-responsive national climate action strategies.  To fulfill the government’s mandate and to uphold its international obligations, particularly under the Paris Agreement, Canada must focus its efforts on applying GBA+ to its climate-related action strategies.
Applying GBA+ to Climate Change in Canada
GBA+ requires decision-makers to consider gender as an integral part of the analysis for each issue, including those related to climate change. In the context of climate change, we can apply two types of questions to our analysis. First, how do climate change and climate-related strategies impact men and women differently? Second, are men and women equally represented in climate-related decision-making processes?
Gendered impacts of climate change
First, decision-makers should consider how climate change impacts women and men differently when adopting mitigation and adaptation strategies. Climate change is characterized by an increase in extreme weather events and rising temperatures. These changes can be detrimental to the economy, human health, and quality of life. For example, changing temperatures damage farms and agriculture leading to increased food costs. Floods, droughts, and storms have the potential to destroy homes and habitats, hinder transportation, and force people to migrate or relocate creating significant financial burdens. Mitigation measures such as carbon tax schemes increase the price of oil, heating and electricity.
Climate change impacts raise the costs of living and create a disproportionate burden on those with lower incomes, such as women, who have a lower capacity to absorb added costs. Women in Canada still earn 19% less than men, the third highest wage gap among Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development countries. Women are more likely than men to experience poverty, especially in the case of single mothers and senior women. According to Statistics Canada, in 2015, women over the age of 75 were almost twice as likely to have low-incomes than men in the same age group. Single mothers were 35% more likely to live in low-income households than single fathers, and three times more likely than households with two parents.
Women also suffer disproportionately from the effects of climate change because of their role as unpaid caregivers. In 2010, women spent an average of 50 hours per week on childcare, more than double the time spent by men. Women also completed 66% more unpaid domestic work and spent more time caring for seniors and volunteering. When extreme climate events occur, women bear a higher percentage of unpaid work when caring for the sick and injured. Women also incur the added food and energy costs for those in their care.
Thus climate change affects men and women differently because of pre-existing inequalities. GBA+ allows decision-makers to consider these pre-existing inequalities when analyzing the gendered impacts of climate change; thus, helping them structure agreements, policies, programs, and initiatives in a way that supports, rather than exacerbates, gender equality.
Women’s participation in decision-making processes
Second, Canada should examine whether men and women are represented equally in climate-related decision-making processes and how this can impact Canada’s climate-related actions. Studies have shown that women and men have different attitudes, knowledge, and interests concerning climate change issues. For example, women may have greater ties to a community and a corresponding interest to adapt rather than relocate in response to a climate-related event. Women also have unique needs such as a need for well-equipped sanitation facilities and sanitary products when planning for emergency responses to climate-related events.
Unfortunately, women continue to be under-represented in climate science and political decision-making relating to climate change, meaning that their concerns and interests are usually not be taken into account to the same extent as men’s. For example, when determining community needs in response to climate-related events, male-dominated decision-making processes may place sanitation facilities in isolated locations that jeopardize the safety of the women who need them most. Encouraging women to participate equally would ensure that women’s interests and perspectives are taken into account.
The connections between climate change and gender are varied and complex. Pre-existing inequalities often combine with the new climate change-related socio-economic threats, amplifying the devastating impacts of climate change and perpetuating the cycle of gender inequality. To effectively address the socio-economic impacts of climate change and break the cycle of inequality, Canadian policymakers must use gender mainstreaming and GBA+ to assess and address the gendered impacts of climate change and climate-related policies.
Romina Raeisi is a third-year French Common Law student at the University of Ottawa.
 Justin Trudeau, “I wholeheartedly agree: Poverty is Sexist.” (25 August 2016), ONE, online: <https://www.one.org/canada/blog/i-wholeheartedly-agree-poverty-is-sexist/>.
 Status of Women Canada, What is GBA+?, online: <http://www.swc-cfc.gc.ca/gba-acs/index-en.html>.
 United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, 4 June 1992, UNTS 1771 (entered into force 21 March 1994), online: <http://unfccc.int/files/essential_background/background_publications_htmlpdf/application/pdf/conveng.pdf>.
 See, for example, Environment and Climate Change Canada, News Release, “Minister of Environment and Climate Change continues Canada’s global climate change leadership at G7 Environment Ministers’ Meeting” (12 June 2017), online: <https://www.canada.ca/en/environment-climate-change/news/2017/06/minister_of_environmentandclimatechangecontinuescanadasglobalcli.html>.
 Adoption of the Paris Agreement, UNFCCC, 2015, UN Dec 1/CP.21, online: <http://unfccc.int/resource/docs/2015/cop21/eng/10a01.pdf#page=2>.
 Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, Climate Change 2014: Impacts, Adaptation, and Vulnerability (Geneva: IPCC, 2014) online: <//www.ipcc.ch/report/ar5/wg2/>; National Climate Assessment and Development Advisory Committee, Third National Climate Assessment (Washington: U.S. Global Change Research Program, 2014) online: <http://www.globalchange.gov/ncadac>.
 Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives, Preparing BC for Climate Migration (Ottawa: Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada, 2014) at 10, online: <https://www.policyalternatives.ca/sites/default/files/uploads/publications/BC%20Office/2014/11/ccpa-bc_ClimateMigration_web.pdf>.
 Nathalie Chalifour, “A Feminist Perspective on Carbon Taxes” (2013) 21:2 Canadian Journal of Women and the Law 171.
 Canada, Building a Strong Middle Class #Budget2017, tabled in the House of Commons by the Honourable William Francis Morneau, Minister of Finance (Ottawa: 2017) at 220.
 Statistics Canada, Census Datasets, online: <http://www12.statcan.gc.ca/datasets/Index-eng.cfm?Temporal=2016&Theme=119&VNAMEE=Low-income%20indicators%20%284%29&GA=-1&S=0>.
 Statistics Canada, Women in Canada: A Gender-based Statistical Report (2015) online: <https://www.statcan.gc.ca/pub/89-503-x/2010001/article/11546-eng.htm#a13>.
 See for example: Ulrike Röhr et al, “Gender Justice as the Basis for Sustainable Climate Policies: A Feminist Background Paper” (2008) Bonn: German NGO Forum Environment and Development, at 22; Karin Edvardsson Bjonberg & Sven Ove Hansson, “Gendering local climate adaptation” (2013) 18:2 Local Environment 217-232; Gerd Johnsson-Latham, “A Study of Gender Equality as a Prerequisite for Sustainable Development: What We Know about the Extent to Which Women Globally Live in a More Sustainable Way Than Men, Leave a Smaller Ecological Footprint and Cause Less Climate Change” (Stockholm: Ministry of the Environment, 2007) at 12.
 Bjonberg & Hansson, supra note 12.
 Status of Women Canada, supra note 2.
Yes and No. That is the short answer.
“Getting an IUD means I have a tool in my body that the government can’t touch": Contraceptive health and the War on Women2018-04-28
In 1989, feminist Andrea Dworkin wrote in a book introduction about a “war on women”; twenty-one years later, the term became common in American political discourse following the 2010 congressional election, in relation to the contraceptive mandate in the Affordable Care Act (Nadler & Lowery, 2018). As the term suggests, women’s bodies have long been a battleground for ill-conceived, unsolicited, and often dangerous political ideologies to be played out. It was largely used to criticize certain Republican Party policies and legislation as a wide-scale effort to restrict women’s rights. But the most important question is perhaps how have women interacted with this war? And how have they come to weaponize emerging contraceptive rights to fight back?Read more about “Getting an IUD means I have a tool in my body that the government can’t touch": Contraceptive health and the War on Women
There have been many theories about who and what makes a conspiracy theory stick in the minds of some and not others. The competing and often contradictory evidence is clear: we don’t know what “type” of individual is more susceptible to being a “believer.” Conspiracy theories are not just the metaphorical middle finger to the stressful and uncontrollable nature of our world today, but a refusal to accept the monopoly of science over knowledge production.Read more about Conspiracy Theories: New World Order and Knowledge
An inquiry into the future of Lebanon as an oil producing state.Read more about Will Lebanon become a "Rentier State"?
Is the pen mightier than the sword? Well, the keyboard may be, as seen with the creation of Germany's Network Enforcement Act or NetzDG, a law concerned with what social media platforms allow on their sites. But how do we balance peoples’ right to free speech, with peoples’ right to be protected from hate speech?Read more about Free Speech vs. Hate Speech: A Debate in the Age of Social Media
Le gouvernement libéral flirte avec le féminisme, mais il n’est pas prêt à s’investir dans une relation à long terme pour assurer l’indépendance économique féminine.Read more about Est-ce qu’un gouvernement féministe peut tolérer l’emploi précaire ?
Boosting the economy while decreasing emissions: How Canada’s local urban policy and light rail projects can help achieve its international Paris Agreement carbon emissions goals2018-04-20
Canada’s commitment to the Paris Agreement is a huge advancement for its future environmental policies and global reputation, but it is easier to make a promise than it is to fulfill one. A localized, urban transportation policy may help Canada meet its international commitment.
It is commonly accepted that the health of the economy and environment are not mutually exclusive. If this is the case, Canada should attempt to reach its carbon emissions targets and simultaneously improve its economy. The challenge, of course, is how? Could a reduction of automobile use, by developing light rail transit in Canada’s metropolitan areas, be part of the solution?
Much of the difficulty of reaching the carbon targets is that restructuring the economy towards fewer carbon intensive-endeavours, such as funding research and development for clean energy, may be too time-consuming and financially costly since the return on investment is often ambiguous. It could also be politically devastating for governments that choose to mitigate natural resource industries in the economy where the industry is quite prevalent, such as in Canada.
Since 2000, Canada’s oil and gas extraction industry hovered at around 6% (Figure 1) of its total GDP. The oil and gas industry brings several benefits to Canadians and helps improve their standard of living, but the industry’s magnitude certainly complicates achieving the Paris carbon emissions targets. The situation is even more complex since a significant portion of the oil and gas extraction industry has typically accounted for more than 70% of its total mining and quarrying industry (Figure 2). Additionally, according to a report from Environment and Climate Change Canada (2017), the oil and gas sector was the biggest contributor to greenhouse gas emissions followed by the transportation sector (p. 8-9).
Source: Statistics Canada. Table 379-0031 - Gross domestic product (GDP) at basic prices, by North American Industry Classification System (NAICS), monthly (Canadian dollars). Seasonally adjusted. Prices changed to 2007 dollars.
Source: Statistics Canada. Table 379-0031 - Gross domestic product (GDP) at basic prices, by North American Industry Classification System (NAICS), monthly (Canadian dollars). Seasonally adjusted. Prices changed to 2007 dollars.
Considering the sheer size, importance, and recent politically charged discourse of Canada’s oil and gas industry (e.g. pipeline disputes between indigenous groups and the provinces of British Columbia and Alberta), it may be more feasible to mitigate carbon emissions from the transportation sector, especially in urban regions, through local transportation policy. Local policy could achieve this if it were to incentivize the financing, construction, and use of public transportation like light-rail, but it will take a dedicated effort considering Canada’s long history with the automobile.
During the post-war era, Canadian urban planning and development policy regularly prioritized the construction and maintenance of automobile-friendly transportation infrastructure (Simmons et al., 2011, p. 93). Increased automobile-friendly infrastructure to improve commute times seemed to be a logical solution to combat the issues related to rising populations, such as congestion and gridlock. Unfortunately, the incentive to drive more resulted in a higher number of cars on the roads, which in turn increased congestion, gridlock, excessive carbon emissions, and urban sprawl and suburbanization. These issues continue to plague many of Canada’s major metropolitan centres.
Considering Canada’s past planning policies, it is unsurprising that Canada is the second largest producer of carbon emissions per capita amongst the G8 countries (Figure 3). Aside from the previously discussed oil and gas industry, it is important to acknowledge that part of Canada’s addiction to carbon emissions is due to Canada being a large, cold landmass with low-density populations. The demands for electricity, heating, and transportation are therefore much higher in comparison to other developed societies.
Source: Carbon Dioxide Information Analysis Center, Environmental Sciences Division, Oak Ridge National Laboratory, Tennessee, United States. Note that carbon dioxide emissions are those stemming from the burning of fossil fuels and the manufacture of cement. They include carbon dioxide produced during consumption of solid, liquid, and gas fuels and gas flaring.
If increasing the amount of automobile infrastructure does not resolve civic transportation demands and only results in more carbon emissions, gridlock, and inadequate urban dynamism, Canada’s urban policy should emphasize other modes of transportation. A multifaceted solution like light rail could combat high carbon emissions, gridlock, and inadequate urban dynamism.
Currently, many Canadian cities are undergoing light rail projects – Waterloo, Ottawa, and Surrey, to name a few. Many of the cities face similar issues with respect to growing populations and exhausted public transportation infrastructure. Canada’s population is expected to grow to between 40 million and 63.5 million by 2063, according to Statistics Canada (2015, p. 3). Growing populations generally require greater and more efficient access to jobs, housing, and various other amenities. Growing populations also mean larger ecological footprints for cities. To help reach their carbon emissions goals, Canadians must be able to move efficiently between their place of work, home, and various other points of interest via public transportation, which is achievable with electrical, non-carbon emitting light rail.
Implementing light rail projects would not only resolve transportation demands, road congestion, and high carbon emissions, but it would also be advantageous to local Canadian economies. Simply put, the planning and construction of public transportation infrastructure projects would create jobs across multiple industries like construction, engineering, science, and public policy. This is because infrastructure projects generally require government bureaucracies to contract out work to the private sector, creating a public-private relationship known as an organization-based policy instrument (Howlett, Perl, and Ramesh, 2009, p. 133). These organization-based policy instruments are advantageous because they offer more flexibility and precision when delivering goods and services. This is useful since private entities involved in these efforts are generally more familiar with the requirements and recent developments within their industry than governments. Essentially, this means public funding but private administration for leaner policy implementation.
Aside from the public-private relationships, light rail construction would also help to rebalance the transportation market by providing commuters with additional, more environmentally friendly modes of commuting. Recent data highlights a declining demand for vehicle ownership, in which the trend in the units of passenger vehicles sold amongst Canada’s most populated provinces and territories (Figure 4) has decreased in the past few years. Determining the cause of this trend is difficult, but The Conference Board of Canada (2018) suggests that the demand for vehicles will continue to ease in 2018 and onward. This is largely due to changing market demographics amongst aging baby boomers and millennials who may have greater interest in ride-sharing services such as Uber and Lyft, in addition to the advancements in automobile technology which has extended the life of current vehicle ownership. Thus, the need to purchase a car is reduced. Canada’s auto-industry will suffer if this trend were to continue, but the trade-off would mean less carbon emitting vehicles on the road and a greater likelihood of reaching Canada’s Paris Agreement targets.
Source: Statistics Canada. Table 079-0004 - New motor vehicle sales, Canada, provinces and territories, seasonally unadjusted, annual.
Based on these trends, it is unsurprising that some of these advantages of light rail transit have caught the attention of the federal government. On 16 June 2017, the Prime Minister of Canada, Justin Trudeau, acknowledged the various economic and ecological benefits of Ottawa’s light rail transit system, and pledged an additional $1.09 billion in funding for its extension to suburbs outside the city.
Light rail projects, despite their complexity and costs, are probably, a more feasible solution to help reduce Canada’s carbon emissions rather than completely altering the natural resource industry. Urban and local policy should therefore not be glossed over when considering Canada’s global commitments. Light rail is multifaceted in its approach to appeal to several demographics, assist transportation demand, and simultaneously improve the economy and environment without radically altering current industries. Thus, light rail construction is a politically feasible public infrastructure solution to tackle Canada’s Paris Agreement targets.
It will take serious dedication, but, in time, local Canadian urban policy may prove to be vital for Canada’s global standing and commitments. Cities matter, and it would be short-sighted to ignore them.
About the author
Usman Khan is a fourth-year political science and public administration student at the University of Ottawa. He has a keen interest in the relationship between Canadian politics and its relation to urban planning and development policy.
Carbon Dioxide Information Analysis Center, Environmental Sciences Division, Oak Ridge National Laboratory, Tennessee, United States.
Environment and Climate Change Canada. (2017). Canadian environmental sustainability indicators: greenhouse gas emissions (En4-144/18-2017-PDF). Ottawa, ON: Minister of Environment and Climate Change. Available at: https://www.canada.ca/content/dam/eccc/migration/main/indicateurs-indicators/f60db708-6243-4a71-896b-6c7fb5cc7d01/ghgemissions_en.pdf
Howlett, M., Perl, A., & Ramesh, M. (2009). Studying public policy: policy cycles & policy subsystems. Toronto, ON: Oxford University Press.
Prime Minister of Canada. (2017, June 16). Prime Minister announces significant funding to extend Ottawa’s Light Rail Transit system. Retrieved February 22, 2018, from https://pm.gc.ca/eng/news/2017/06/16/prime-minister-announces-significant-funding-extend-ottawas-light-rail-transit
Simmons, J. et al. (2011.). Political Economy, Governance, And Urban Policy In Canada. In Canadian Urban Regions: Trajectories of Growth and Change (1st ed., pp. 81-98). Don Mills, ON: Oxford University Press.
Statistics Canada. (2015). Population projections for Canada (2013 to 2063), provinces and territories (2013 to 2038) (91-520-X). Ottawa, ON: Minister of Industry.
Statistics Canada. Table 379-0031 - Gross domestic product (GDP) at basic prices, by North American Industry Classification System (NAICS), monthly (dollars). Seasonally adjusted. Prices changed to 2007 dollars.
Statistics Canada. Table 079-0004 - New motor vehicle sales, Canada, provinces and territories, seasonally unadjusted, annual.
The Conference Board of Canada. (2018). Canadian Auto Industry to Gear Down in 2018. Retrieved February 25, 2018, from http://www.conferenceboard.ca/press/newsrelease/2018/01/09/canadian-auto-industry-to-gear-down-in-2018?AspxAutoDetectCookieSupport=1Read more about Boosting the economy while decreasing emissions: How Canada’s local urban policy and light rail projects can help achieve its international Paris Agreement carbon emissions goals
The iGeneration had the luxury of a childhood without bomb drills done in schools or conscription like the Baby Boomer generation beforehand. However, they have grown up with the looming fear of possible terrorist attacks, school shootings, and economic collapse. In addition, they played games like Candy Crush on iPads instead of toys like Connect Four because, the seismic technological shift impacted their childhood and education directly. The combination of ingrained fear and a deep connection with technology, has created a generation of upcoming voters who are untrusting of the democratic process and increasingly conservative.Read more about 'Kids These Days': The Politics of the iGeneration
Kim Jong-un deployed his 'Army of Beauties' at the 2018 Winter Olympics, but the cheerleading was not so chipper...2018-04-18
Oppression lurking underneath the perfected appearences of the all-women delegation.Read more about Kim Jong-un deployed his 'Army of Beauties' at the 2018 Winter Olympics, but the cheerleading was not so chipper...
By: Justin Patrick
In the field of political science, the topic of political education is often approached with a focus on the educator and the state while end-user perspectives of the students themselves are almost completely missing. If academics do not think student government is important enough to write about, what impact does this have on how student government is viewed in society?
Though there was some small progress in theory development in the beginning of the 20th century with John Dewey’s works such as Democracy and Education, a perspective that draws from aspects of Rousseau to present the idea that students should contribute to the formation of their curricular learning and have opportunities to apply what they learn in practical settings, it would not be until Robert Hart’s 1992 essay, Children’s Participation: From Tokenism to Citizenship, was published by UNICEF that such notions would be widely accepted as a guiding document for more practical study and policymaking (Dewey, 1997, Ch. 1-11; Hart, 1992, p. 1-14). However, even these works have limits to legitimizing student participation in education’s decision-making processes, since they do not examine the potential that democratic student organizations such as student governments can impact policy development in education and other aspects of society.
In field research, student government is even more neglected, with most articles consisting of a unique case study or an autoethnographical piece, and all of which tend to be small scale with minimal numbers of research subjects (Golden and Schwartz, 1994, p. 19-30; Densford, 1926, p. 879). In these scant studies, students are portrayed as learners as opposed to policy contributors with the focus being on students’ personal development (Koller and Schurgurensky, 2011, 350-360). While it is important to gauge students’ learning experiences in order to evaluate education systems, solely focusing on this topic ignores students’ capability to be rational political actors and at worst, can portray students as seemingly incapable of tangible political action. Koller and Schurgurensky’s 2011 study of Ontario student trustees reveals that this bias pervades to a contemporary context, as they primarily focus on what the student leaders learned from their experience as opposed to their ability to influence the province’s education policy as elected representatives of over 2 million Ontario elementary and secondary students (355-360).
Despite the near-disregard for student government structures as political institutions, contemporary academics are not entirely to blame, since the bias is woven into the history of education itself. Despite a handful of researchers like Helen Lefkowitz Horowitz and Nigel Moses who have studied the history of student institutions and student cultures, much of the information lies untouched in university archives and dates back centuries (Horowitz, 1988, p. 115-220; Moses, 1995, p. 1-30). Even in cases where students orchestrated significant political change like in Brazil in the 1960s or more recently, the Arab Spring, the role of student governments is reduced to a mention of their names without any information about their organizational structures or internal operations (Langland, 2013, 1-15; Naser-Najjab, 2012, 279-291). Today, literature on student government that is not related to developmental education seems to have gained little ground in terms of both content and prevalence in academic circles, with 21st century student government researchers like Titus Gregory resorting to publishing essays and theses on personal blogs that occasionally crash for months at a time due to a lack of funding (Gregory, 2010, p. 1-30).
While an overview of key literature on student government, or rather the absence of it, provides qualitative evidence to suggest that an expansion of thought in political science is needed, the existence of quantitative data can really drive the point home as to exposing the shortage. To illustrate this, I consulted the Google Books Ngram Viewer, a feature of Google Books that allows searches to be conducted on the frequency of words in all the text sources in the Google Books database with publication dates ranging from 1500 to 2008. I searched for the phrases “student government”, “student politics”, “student council”, “student union”, and “political education” in books published between 1800 and 2008. The results confirmed what I had experienced in my own research.
A key initial observation is that political education has almost consistently surpassed all of the other terms in frequency, yet that was expected. What really startles me is that the frequency of political education has also been decreasing for decades, which makes the crisis of student government literature all the more urgent. By not writing about student government, its legitimacy becomes weaker, making it more difficult for student representatives to contribute to education policy development, or to put it simply, make their voice heard in contemporary society.
So how can this gap in political science research be alleviated? I believe the first step is to expand current research perspectives to include the policy contributions of student governments and treat them like any other democratic institution. This would allow various political theories to be applied in a uniquely student government context. Furthermore, the study of social movements should place extra focus on how students make decisions collectively and should understand that democratic organizations of students exist and have existed for a long time within education systems, laying the kindling for the sparks of student activism that attract researchers’ attention. Thirdly, there need to be more historical works on student government using existing primary sources in order to provide a grounding for political science research and theory. On a final note, it must be understood that students are not only able to enact political change, but are capable of organizing themselves to make collective decisions democratically. Students are not only the future of politics, they are part of the now.
Densford, K. (1926). Student Government in Schools of Nursing. The American Journal of Nursing, no. 11, p. 879.
Dewey, J. (1997). Democracy and Education: An Introduction to the Philosophy of Education. Retrieved from http://www.gutenberg.org.proxy.bib.uottawa.ca/ebooks/852
Golden, D., and Schwartz, H. (1994). Building an Ethical and Effective Relationship with Student Government Leaders. In Melvin C. Terrell and Michael J. Cuyjet (Eds.), Developing Student Government Leadership, (19-30). San Francisco: Jossey-Bass Publishers.
Google Ngram Viewer. (n.d.). Retrieved March 3, 2018, from https://books.google.com/ngrams/graph?content=student+union%2Cstudent+government%2Cstudent+politics%2Cstudent+council%2Cpolitical+education&year_start=1800&year_end=2018&corpus=15&smoothing=3&share=&direct_url=t1%3B%2Cstudent%20union%3B%2Cc0%3B.t1%3B%2Cstudent%20government%3B%2Cc0%3B.t1%3B%2Cstudent%20politics%3B%2Cc0%3B.t1%3B%2Cstudent%20council%3B%2Cc0%3B.t1%3B%2Cpolitical%20education%3B%2Cc0
Gregory, T. (2010). Solidarity for Their Own Good: Self-determination and the Canadian Federation of Students. studentunion.ca.
Hart, R. (1992). Children’s Participation: From Tokenism to Citizenship. UNICEF ICDC, 1992. http://www.unicef-irc.org/publications/pdf/childrens_participation.pdf
Horowitz, H. (1988). Campus Life: Undergraduate Cultures from the End of the Eighteenth Century to the Present. New York: University of Chicago Press.
Koller, D., and Schugurensky, D. (2011). Examining the Developmental Impact of Youth Participation in Education Governance: The Case of Student Trustees. Journal of Research on Adolescence, 21(2), 350–360. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1532-7795.2010.00673.x
Langland, V. (2013). Speaking of Flowers: Student Movements and the Making and Remembering of 1968 in Military Brazil. Durham: Duke University Press.
Moses, N. (1995). All that was left: student struggle for mass student aid and the abolition of tuition fees in Ontario, 1946 to 1975. Academia.edu. Retrieved from: https://www.academia.edu/2025011/All_that_was_left_student_struggle_for_mass_student_aid_and_the_abolition_of_tuition_fees_in_Ontario_1946_to_1975
Naser-Najjab, N. (2012). Palestinian youth and the Arab Spring. Learning to think critically: a case study. Contemporary Arab Affairs, 5(2), 279–291. https://doi.org/10.1080/17550912.2012.672000